Poynter Questions the GLAAD Commentator Project

It’s difficult for some journalists, especially LGBT journalists, to figure out how they feel about the GLAAD Commentator Accountability Project. While it has been praised by some, it has raised concerns from others.  Kelly McBride of the Poynter Institute–who focuses on ethics and has appeared at NLGJA conferences–takes a look at the project and raises questions about the purpose and impact.

  • Of course, the danger is that journalists will use lists like this in the same way they would use a black list. If GLAAD is sincere about its intentions, the organization could add a short, instructional paragraph to the site, offering up some ideas about the best way to use the database. Because there is a range of egregiousness, such language would be helpful to journalists and to citizens who might come to the site looking for more information about a voice they heard. GLAAD also might include names of people who do “accurately represent the ‘other side’ of those issues,” as they say these commentators do not.

McBride questions whether the comments of some of the people on the GLAAD list have really committed what GLAAD considers “hate speech” and suggests that journalists and bookers may come away uncertain about why someone shouldn’t be interviewed or interviewed without being viewed as an expert.

She quotes GlAAD’s Aaron McQuade in describing the purpose of the list, and defending the criticism that it isn’t a blacklist.

If you are going to offer vile, hateful rhetoric in one forum, then show up on MSNBC as a scholarly expert, we want the audience to know the full context of who you are,” he said. And he hopes that anchors and reporters will challenge such commentators on things they say in other forums.

McBride’s column comes as GLAAD announces that the National Organization for Marriage and Pat Robertson have been added to their list of questionable commentators.  NOM’s sin, of course, is the release of internal documents outlining the group’s political strategy that included exploiting hostility between the gay community and African Americans, as well as Latinos. But the inclusion of NOM raises the inevitable question: if GLAAD thinks journalists should be suspicious of the largest, most well-funded anti-SSM group in the country, who does GLAAD think journalists SHOULD call to balance out pro-SSM activists and commentators?

This is questions we’ve wrestled with before, when it came to the infamous Southern Poverty Law Center’s hate group designations.  While clearly they are fringe groups on the SPLC list–and there are fringe people on the GLAAD list–there are also many people on both lists who have significant constituencies and a track record of significant support from the public.  So how do you exile such people from your coverage?  Should you?

Maggie Gallagher is rather fearless in her willingness to debate anyone and talk to any media.  But she’s also not a fringe voice or someone without a significant constituency.  It’s difficult to imagine any better advocate for the anti-SSM position than Gallagher if you are trying to book a guest or get a quote.  So why shouldn’t be considered credible and interviewed?  She’s said some crazy stuff, but so have some pro-SSM activists who are routinely interviewed.  Her group has put out some controversial statements and taken some unsavory positions, but so have groups that support SSM and gay rights.

This leaves journalists in a real jam. I agree that journalists should ask hard questions and commentators should be called on controversial statements. But is creating a list of suspect commentators really the answer?

UPDATED: Resources for Reporting on the Ninth Circuit’s Prop 8 Ruling

nlgja

UPDATE II:

Analysis is beginning to pour in.  For a good, meaty explanation of the legal issues, check out Lyle Denniston at SCOTUSBlog.  Another thorough look, including the background, is from Chris Geidner at MetroWeekly.

For a conservative take on the ruling, read Ed Whelan at National Review’s Bench Memos. A quick list of immediate reactions from LGBT and progressive groups was assembled by JoeMyGod.

 

UPDATE: The Ruling is in. 2-1 finding Prop. 8 is unconstitutional. A link to the decision is here.

The Ninth Circuit will issue its ruling on the challenge to Proposition 8, a voter referendum in California that barred same-sex marriages.  Here is the page that will feature the ruing and previous filings/rulings in the case.

For information on the court case, check out primers created by Chris Geidner at MetroWeekly, Ari Ezra Waldman at Towleroad and Lyle Denniston at SCOTUSblog.

Questions about covering marriage?  Check out NLGJA’s Getting the Marriage Story Right: the History, Current Law & the Future and NLGJA’s Stylebook Supplement.  And take a look at Press Pass Q’s analysis of the use of gay marriage versus same-sex marriage.

Here’s what NLGJA said in 2010 about how to cover the issue, and it is still great advice:

As a result of today’s ruling on Prop 8, the National Lesbian & Gay Journalists Association would like to remind journalists, bloggers, columnists and media analysts the important role they play in giving citizens the information they need to understand the full impact that today’s ruling will have in their communities and across the country.

Journalists covering the issues of same-sex marriage, civil unions and partnership rights should familiarize themselves with specifics of the California case, the history of other cases involving marriage rights for LGBT individuals and the 1996 federal Defense of Marriage Act.

Reporters should note the differences between marriage law and the legal designation of civil unions. Civil unions are presumed to extend marriage benefits and protections; however, they do not include federal benefits available to married couples. Civil unions also have no effect on religious congregations and their option to bless or not bless civil unions registered with these states.

As NLGJA has previously noted, the oft-used term “gay marriage” is both inaccurate and misleading. “Gay marriage” implies the creation of a new set of legal standards and guidelines as opposed to what is being sought by most advocates – the extension of currently existing benefits and responsibilities to include same-sex couples. More appropriate terminology in discussing such legislation would be “marriage rights for same-sex couples.” Or, in those instances where a briefer description is necessary, “same-sex marriage” as “same-sex” is a more accurate and inclusive description than “gay.”

Proper framing of stories is essential when considering potential sourcing. Same-sex marriage remains controversial, and many different sets of opinions may be individually valid, but may be less appropriate when played against one another. For example, legal expertise should be differentiated from religious quotes and opinions. A legal expert’s comments on points of marriage law and civil legislation should not be contrasted with opinions of theologians.

Journalists should also consider diversity of opinion when bringing these stories to readers, viewers and listeners. Look for voices other than the standard “go-to” sources quoted most often, and work to go beyond preconceived ideas regarding who would be the “pro” and “con” sides of the marriage debate. Not all members of the LGBT community are in favor of same-sex marriage; not all members of communities of faith are opposed.

Marriage Equality, Gay Marriage and Same-Sex Marriage

The most recent Press Pass Q has an excellent article about the use of “gay marriage” vs. “same-sex marriage” in LGBT publications. The article also explores whether “marriage equality” is only an activist term.

The NLGJA stylebook supplement suggests “marriage for same-sex couples” but prefers “same-sex marriage” over “gay marriage” because its more inclusive of women.

That said, there isn’t much consensus in the eight LGBT publications cited in the article. All sorts of things are taken into consideration, from accuracy to activism to the practical realities of generating site traffic:

In the nation’s capital, Metro Weekly and the Washington Blade have taken different approaches.

“Preferred usage for the Blade is ‘same-sex marriage,’” said editor Kevin Naff, agreeing that “marriage equality” is an activist term.

However, Metro Weekly prefers ‘marriage equality,’ said managing editor Will O’Bryan. “While some might feel that the phrase is a form of editorializing, we would argue the same with regard to ‘same-sex marriage.’ In D.C., we live in a jurisdiction where people of the same sex who marry get a marriage license. They don’t get a ‘same-sex marriage license.’ And as an LGBT publication, it’s a given for us that LGBT people are first-class citizens, even when that’s not reflected in law.”

Practical considerations of the Internet era – search engine optimization – also affect word choice. “It seems that when we use ‘marriage equality,’ our copy is far less likely to get picked up by the Google algorithms … than when we use ‘same-sex marriage,’ O’Bryan said.

He has a point. A Google search yields far greater results for “gay marriage” than “same-sex marriage.” The former generates 29,600,00 results, with the latter pulling up 16,900,000. “Marriage equality” draws 5,550,000 results.

Still, word choice at Charlotte, N.C-based Q-Notes makes little difference. “We’ve used ‘gay marriage,’ ‘same-sex marriage,’ and ‘marriage equality’ interchangeably,” said editor Matt Comer.

“A quick search of our web site for those specific terms returns nearly the same number of returns for each,” Comer said. “It’s like splitting hairs, in my opinion. No matter what it’s called, people know what you are talking about.”

Not necessarily, says Duncan Osborne, associate editor of New York City-based Gay City News.

“I use ‘marriage,’ ‘gay marriage,’ or ‘same-sex marriage.’ I never use ‘marriage equality,’” said Osborne. “‘Marriage equality’ is meaningful to some people in the lesbian and gay community, but is probably not understood by most people outside of our community,” he said.

So, what do NLGJA members think?

Looking at Town Clerks and ‘Conscience’

The New York Times can’t really do a story on gay issues without getting some pushback.  A recent story on a charity program that funds alleged “hate groups” got criticism from the left and the right. So I was curious to read today’s story on a town clerk in rural New York who is refusing to give same-sex couples marriage licenses. The story is very sympathetic to the clerk, as profiles are apt to do, but does cover the whole terrain.

Ms. Belforti, a Republican, first won election as town clerk a decade ago, and thought she had a creative solution this summer to a vexing problem by agreeing to delegate the signing of marriage licenses.

“For me to participate in the same-sex marriage application process I don’t feel is right,” she said. “God doesn’t want me to do this, so I can’t do what God doesn’t want me to do, just like I can’t steal, or any of the other things that God doesn’t want me to do.”

The clerk’s office is open nine hours a week — Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday mornings. Ms. Belforti also does duty cleaning the town hall bathrooms. And she is a farmer, married with four grown daughters, who makes probiotic kefir cheese.

A Protestant who worships at several area churches, Ms. Belforti read to a reporter a passage from the first chapter of Romans, which she says condemns homosexual activity, offering it as an explanation for her stance.

“This is about religious freedom,” she said. “This is not about trashing gay people.”

The story also presents the views of the couple involved in the case, although their quotes are more stilted, and looks at how the issue is playing out among the town’s folk. Given the amount of coverage the NYT has given to same-sex marriage, it’s hard to fault a single story that seems to balance in favor of the clerk (although it is hard to imagine a government official who refused to follow civil rights laws in the 1960s would have been given such sympathetic treatment).

My main criticism of the story is that everyone has lawyered up, yet we are given no real sense about the legal claims. Does a government employee have a “conscience” right not to sign a marriage certificate? Do individual believers–especially government officials–have the “right” to avoid laws they don’t agree with? Those questions go unanswered.

There is clearly a political effort to portray such dissenters as victims. Maggie Gallagher has left her position at the National Organization for Marriage to lead such an effort, using town clerks as exhibit number one in this victimhood. Given the full-funded effort to fight the religious liberty wars, journalists now have a new responsibility.

This responsibility means digging deeper beyond the rhetoric.  What does the law say about “conscience.”  This isn’t a new argument, so what does history tell us?  Is it enough to quote a passage from Romans to justify not fulfilling your public responsibility? And what are the ramifications beyond LGBT issues. What about the conscience rights of Muslims, or racists in the Christian Identity movement?  What do activists have to say about the slippery slopes that are created?

NYT Profiles Savage on Monogamy; Conservative Heads Explode

The mere mention of the name “Dan Savage” can stop a conversation.  People either love him or hate him, with fans and foes on all ends of the political (and sexual orientation/gender identity) spectrum.

So an article by Mark Oppenheimer in the New York Times focusing on Savage and his theories on monogamy was certain to cause a commotion.  And a commotion it has been, although the exploding heads have been mostly on the right and focused less on the article (which some apparently didn’t read very closely) or on a critique of Savage.

Here’s a flavor of the article:

Savage believes monogamy is right for many couples. But he believes that our discourse about it, and about sexuality more generally, is dishonest. Some people need more than one partner, he writes, just as some people need flirting, others need to be whipped, others need lovers of both sexes. We can’t help our urges, and we should not lie to our partners about them. In some marriages, talking honestly about our needs will forestall or obviate affairs; in other marriages, the conversation may lead to an affair, but with permission. In both cases, honesty is the best policy.

“I acknowledge the advantages of monogamy,” Savage told me, “when it comes to sexual safety, infections, emotional safety, paternity assurances. But people in monogamous relationships have to be willing to meet me a quarter of the way and acknowledge the drawbacks of monogamy around boredom, despair, lack of variety, sexual death and being taken for granted.”

The view that we need a little less fidelity in marriages is dangerous for a gay-marriage advocate to hold. It feeds into the stereotype of gay men as compulsively promiscuous, and it gives ammunition to all the forces, religious and otherwise, who say that gay families will never be real families and that we had better stop them before they ruin what is left of marriage. But Savage says a more flexible attitude within marriage may be just what the straight community needs. Treating monogamy, rather than honesty or joy or humor, as the main indicator of a successful marriage gives people unrealistic expectations of themselves and their partners. And that, Savage says, destroys more families than it saves.

Oppenheimer describes Savage as quite conservative when it comes to families and children and praises Savage’s It Get’s Better effort. In an online addendum to the story, it’s clear that Oppenheimer is a Savage fan, comparing him to Andrew Sullivan and Jonathan Rauch when it comes to articulating a theory on gay lives and sexuality generally.

The article, unsurprisingly, has caused a firestorm of teeth-gnashing on the political right. Kay Hymowiz, at Forbes, appears to have skipped reading the article and instead launched an attack on something Savage wasn’t arguing for (and in fact specifically criticized).  It’s a bizarre read. Here’s what the City Journal contributor and Manhattan Institute fellow had to say:

What makes me so sure?  Simple.  I looked at the relevant research, something the Times oddly overlooked.  Here’s what I found: People who live together but who are not married – cohabiters as they are known in the literature – are unfaithful at a much higher rate than people who are married. To be sure, it’s hard to get reliable data on rates of infidelity for a variety of reasons: people lie about sex, some define cheating as only vaginal intercourse, others would include sexting, others might feel guilty over long, soulful phone calls with a co-worker.  But one conclusion that shows up consistently in the research is that infidelity is more common among non-married couples.

By Dan Savage’s logic, those relationships should last longer since “infidelity keeps them together.”  Except they don’t.  Cohabiting relationships are much more unstable and they break up at a much higher rate than marrieds.  What these two facts suggest – that married folks are more faithful to their spouses and that their relationships last longer – is that vowing to “forsake all others” actually means something to the people who say it.  It makes them behave differently.

While an interesting argument, it has nothing to do with what Oppenheimer wrote about or what Savage theorizes about. While the idea of consensual non-monogamy may be, at first, hard to wrap your head around, Hymowitz is supposedly an expert on marriage issues and should be able to parse out what Savage is talking about.

The folks at conservative media watchdog Media Research Center seem especially annoyed about Oppenheimer’s description of Savage as being “family values” oriented.

While omitting Savage’s history of unsavory activism, Oppenheimer praised the “It Gets Better project, Savage’s great contribution to family values.” Spurred by incidents of antigay bullying, it’s a collection of clips from celebrities and others, including President Obama, encouraging gay teens that things will get better.

MRC largely parrots a critique by conservative pundit Mollie Hemingway at religious journalism watchdog site Get Religion.  Hemingway never really engages the article, instead complaining Oppenheimer left out information about Savage, who she accuses of participating in “hate speech” and violence.

This puffy discussion of the benefits of consensual adultery could be seen as part of the political and cultural movement to divorce marriage from the purpose of the creation, care and raising of children, but at least the topic is broached of how social norms change as laws governing sex change. But this biological reality of how intercourse and intercourse alone result in procreation, around which the institution of marriage has traditionally been based, is only given the briefest possible mention — a phrase — before being basically ignored for the rest of the piece in which monogamy is characterized as little more than “boredom, despair, lack of variety and sexual death.”

If you are looking for a more balanced exploration of Savage’s sexual ethics, one that also praises his writing while asking some pretty tough questions about his views on what sex is and what it means, you’d be much better served by reading the Washington Monthly piece by Benjamin Dueholm.

Hemingway says more analysis of the actual story is upcoming–although I think we can predict what it will say–but it seems odd to engage in a little pre-emptive character assassination of Savage before doing an actual critique.

Sadly, however, that’s where we are at. Oppenheimer acknowledges critics who say there should have been more talk about religion and the destructiveness of infidelity, but rightfully defends the magazine piece.